新加坡迈向近150万客工的旅程

YJJ1  余振忠

注意:这文章表达的是作者个人的观点

新冠病毒病例的暴增使客工备受关注。本文的目是要探讨我国是如何造成这样的一个局面:大量的低薪工人生活在与新加坡人完全不同的世界中,尽管他们实实在在地生存在我们群体当中。客工大规模涌入背后的经济考量到底是什么?

官委议员特斯拉副教授(NMP Associate Professor Walter Theseira)最近在新加坡大学政策研究所的论坛上指出,新加坡对此客工的依赖,从1970年代占新加坡总劳动力的约7%增加至今天的约38%。目前,这些客工中有72.4%持有工作准证(WP),而14%持有特别准证(SP)。从数字上看,客工人数从五十多年前的6万人增长到如今惊人的147万。其中大部分约123万人持有WP和SP(资料来源:新加坡人力部和美国移民政策研究所)。

持有 WP 和 SP 的工人是我国劳动力 中工资较低的一群。目前他们的人数如此之多,以至于他们几乎出现在我们社会的每个空间。2008年,已故的李光耀先生表示,他认为他自己政党的 “拥有650万人口计划”不可行。 该计划主要是通过移民来推动经济增长。李先生当时说:“以我们拥有的土地来说,应该有一个最理想的人口数量,以保持生活空间的平衡与舒适感。” 除了分享我们的社会空间,大量低薪客工的存在也压低了新加坡技术水平较低的工人的工资。这进一步造成了受益于我国经济增长的一群人与另一群实际工资停滞或甚至相较过去20年工资减少的人之间很大的分歧。

与其他发达国家相比,我们有这么多客工,他们的工资和生产力都偏低。到底是什么原因造成我国面临今天这样的处境?

我相信,是从第一代领导人手中接棒以来,对经济增长着魔似的固执所造成的。经济增长是好的,但我们还需要研究增长是如何产生的,增长是否是可持续而且是优质的,以及经济增长的益处如何分配到整个社会中。从独立到1990年代,我国快速的发展得到许多国家和经济学家的赞许并以新加坡为发展的模式。其中持相反观点的包括著名的经济学教授 保罗·克鲁格曼(Paul Krugman)。对于他来说,新加坡经济奇迹的是靠劳力而不是靠创造力取得。新加坡的经济增长是来自 其能成功地动员人口参与劳动,劳动人口占总人口的百分比从1966年的27%跃升至1990年的51%。克鲁格曼教授警告说,新加坡的劳动力参与率已经如此之高,不可能再进一步提高了。这种“靠汗水”的经济增长模式是有其局限性的。如果我国无法通过提高生产率,提高效率和创新,那未来的经济增长就只能通过不断增加外来劳动力来实现。

自1968年开始,执政党就一直绝对或近乎绝对的垄断国会,直到1990年代。国家领导棒子于1990年传给第二任总理吴作栋。在1991年的大选中,反对党前所未有地取得四个国会议席。对于一个不能容忍任何损失或面对有实力竞争对手挑战的政党而言,这是一件非常严重的大事件。吴先生在1984年承诺新加坡将在1999年达到瑞士1984年的生活水平(按人均国内生产总值计算)。成功与否,取决于提高国内生产总值(GDP)。

已故吴庆瑞博士是新加坡建国首二十年打造我国经济的建筑师。从1970年代一直到1984年退休,在这期间他一直警告以大量外国工人和外国直接投资来提高国内生产总值的危险性。前新加坡政府投资公司(GIC)首席经济师杨南强曾经在吴庆瑞博士的领导下工作。在2017年的“新加坡未来”(FOSG)对话会中,杨南强透露吴博士会责骂对那些胆敢向他建议通过增加移民来发展经济的人。吴博士认为,毫无节制地取得廉价劳动力将是对提升和创新等迫切需求形成阻碍。

第一代的领导人似乎非常清楚意识到廉价外来劳动力大量涌入和人口过多的危险。然而,下一代领导人却认为必须尽快取得经济增长。我相信他们是为了要保持对国会超多数控制的压力下,迫使通过持续经济增长来达到目的。

在1990年代,我国有大量的基础设施项目。为了配合这些项目,我国敞开了宽松的人力政策大门,引进客工。客工人数从1990年的311,264人增加到2000年的近800,000人(在短短10年中增长了255%)。在2000年代中期,为了把握另一波经济发展热潮,新加坡又一轮大规模的引进客工。2009年的全球金融危机这个趋势暂时停止,但在2010年,我国的国内生产总值惊人地增长了14.7%,客工继续涌入。2010年我国的客工人数达到130万。由于基础设施是经济活动的主要部分,建筑业的劳动力在这两个十年中增长非常迅速,从1996年的114,000人增加到2019年的300,000人。有鉴于《新加坡商业评论》最近预测:从2019年到2028年,建筑业的产值年均增长率为3.3%,我国未来的客工人数可能会更高。已故李光耀先生在2011年察觉到:“过去五年来,我们单靠进口劳动力实现了增长。现在,人们感到不舒服,外国人太多了。”他当时估计,我国可能需要五年的时间来减少对外国工人的需求。而近十年后,政府仍无法解决这一问题,而且客工人数还在继续增加。

这个简单的公式:“经济增长” 等于 “年度生产率增长” 加 “劳动力增长” 重现在 2013 年有关

这个简单的公式:“经济增长” 等于 “年度生产率增长” 加 “劳动力增长” 重现在 2013 年有关政府人口白皮书的辩论中。近年来新加坡的生产率一直都很不理想,在2011-2020十年期间几乎是持平的状态。在2019年,我国的生产率甚至下降了1.5%。由于受到冠状病毒疫情的影响,和即将到来的经济衰退,2020年可能会更糟。最近我们意识到建筑业的生产率偏低,并为此做进行了一些改进。尽管如此,与发达经济体如:澳洲,日本,台湾和香港相比,我们仍然远远落在后头。例如,澳洲和日本的建筑业的生产率分别是新加坡的3.9倍和2.8倍。在其他着重依赖低薪客工的行业,例如餐饮业和零售业,我们的生产率大大落后于香港这个与我们相似的城市国家经济体。

仅看GDP数字是具误导性的。GDP可以分为三个部分:工资,利润和税收。新加坡现在是世界上人均GDP最高的国家之一。但在过去的几十年中,新加坡GDP的工资部份一直处于在略略高于40%的水平,远低于经济合作与发展组织(OECD)国家50%左右的水平。甚至有些国家GDP的工资部分更高于此。

 GDP的利润部份最终是属于公司股东的。新加坡政府拥有的公司在整体经济中所占的比例,失衡地高过其他发达国家。我们鼓励外国投资,利润最终将回流到外地。在冠状病毒爆发之前,滨海湾金沙酒店是世界上最赚钱的赌场。它每年的息税前利润(EBITA)约15亿美元。它完全由在美国上市的拉斯维加斯金沙集团拥有。

长久以来直到2011年,在部长天文数字般的薪金成为2011大选课题之前,GDP一直是用来衡量公务员表现的标准。GDP增长是计算政治职位薪金花红的其中一个重要的指标。随着全球金融危机结束后的迅速反弹,2010年部长的薪金花红高达8个月。他们的基本薪金在当时已经是特别高的了。当生产率偏低时,增加劳动力可以辅助GDP的增长。我们还应该研究GDP增长的质量,以及收入增长如何分配给中低收入群体。

我认为,过去三十年来通过大规模引进外国劳动力来辅助GDP的做法,掩盖了许多酝酿中的长期结构性问题。目前我们已经到了一个阶段:我国经济一直依赖不断增长的低工资低生产力工人来继续“繁荣”的模式,已经上瘾。我认为正是这种对GDP着魔似的固执,阻碍了我们做出大胆的决定,例如制定全国最低工资标准。

这是不可持续的。在同一个FOSG 对话会中,杨南强分享了政策研究所一份2014年的报告:仅仅1.7%的劳动力年增长率就可以让新加坡2050年的人口达到1000万!2013年的政府人口白皮书中仅提出了到2030年我国人口可达到690万的情况。如果我们继续以这种速度发展,到2030年以后会出现怎么样的状况?这的确是挺吓人的,我们目前的外来劳动力正是以每年超过1%的速度增长。根据政策研究所的预测,在1000万人口中,将有330万客工,比目前增加235%。这还不包括我们定期增加的新公民和永久居民。到时我们将如何管理住屋和社会空间?我们将如何应对日益增长的财富和收入差距?我们的新加坡认同将会是什么状况?

我们已经看到,当我们把我们的小都市国家搞到拥挤不堪时,像2013年小印度骚乱那样的事件就可能会发生,更不用说如果我们让客工人数爆增235%!政府现在每年收取约30亿元的劳工税。这大幅度地给雇主增加了成本,并迫使他们将工人的工资保持在低水平。政府必须进行重大的结构性改革,让我们摆脱保罗·克鲁格曼在1990年所警告的那种“靠汗水”的经济增长模式。我们同时还必须思考已故李先生提出的“一个最理想的人口数量”,即我们的岛国可以容纳的人口数量。我们必须寻求一个更加可持续,高质量和以创新主导的经济增长模式。政府必须领导对长期严重依赖低薪工人的领域进行重大的结构性改革。

长期以来,我们的领导班子以最快(同时也是懒惰的)的方式寻求GDP增长,并且这种做法代代相传。尽管著名的领导人和经济学家警告过我们,这种方法将导致不可持续的人口增长,低收入者的工资被压制,巨大的差距引发相关的社会问题。我们现在都非常真实地感受到了负面影响。哪怕改革会造成多大的不适,现在是解决这一不断升级的问题的时候了。

This essay is translated from my earlier English post of “Singapore’s Journey to Nearly 1.5 million migrant workers”.

Long term issues to consider in GE2020

In today’s interview with Bloomberg News, Minister for Trade and Industry Chan Chun Sing that there’s “not much time” left for Singapore’s government to hold its next general election as the city-state has to dissolve parliament in January, months ahead of an April deadline.

Mr Chan also said, “Coming up against a hard deadline to hold elections, there’s actually ‘not much time’. We would like, when the opportunity arises, to have a strong mandate because the challenges that we are going to face in the coming years will indeed be the challenge of an entire generation.”

When the time to vote does come, Mr Chan thinks Singaporeans “are wise enough to look at the government performance not just on an episodic event”, but how it has done in the long term.”

 

My thoughts on this are:

1. The PAP has been given a super strong mandate since 1968, I believe the strongest for any country with democratic elections even in their worst performance. The current strong mandate that the PAP had been given certainly allows it to do whatever had been required to in the fight against Covid-19.

2. Yes, we should not judge based on just an episodic event, even though the government themselves had admitted that they could have done better in the explosive Covid-19 infection outbreak amongst migrant workers, if they had hindsight, etc.

The issue with migrant workers though, is actually a long term one that has become worse and worse each year. In the Population White Paper debate, Singaporeans had given their views very strongly yet the move towards the 6.9 mil ‘cap’ continued. The 2013 Little India riot cast a spotlight on migrant workers again. The key response was to curb drinking, especially among the migrant workers past 1030 pm. The Foreign Employees Dormitories Act (FEDA) was passed in 2015 but three manpower ministers later, some key parts of the bill appeared to be unimplemented, including the appointment of a Commissioner to oversee safety, maintenance, health and other issues across all large foreign workers dorms. We now know that half of the large dorm operators flout regulations yearly, thanks to questioning by MP Png Eng Huat. Singaporeans are paying a huge cost in now trying to control the situation at the dorms. How much we are paying is not yet clear but the government had said they will fund the additional costs that the already very profitable dorm operators have to incur for the required additional Covid-19 safety measures. Should Singaporeans fund dorm operators especially if they had cut costs and constantly flouted regulations previously and yet made huge profits each year?

3. In researching on this issue for an earlier blog post on how Singapore grew to nearly 1.5 mil migrant workers, I found that several of our prominent first generation leaders including the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew and the late Dr Goh Keng Swee had been against the idea of growing our migrant workforce beyond what we can manage, for many good reasons – our space cannot handle the large numbers that the PAP wanted, the negative impact on our culture and society, that over-reliance on cheap foreign workers will kill the push for innovation and entrepreneurship, etc. Dr Goh had warned that Singapore’s growth will one day come to a grinding halt if we become too reliant on these low wage workers. This is a long term issue that must be urgently addressed. The explosive number of Covid-19 cases has put a timely spotlight on our over-reliance on these migrant workers, living in what I believe are overpriced, poor and crowded conditions.

Former GIC Chief Economist Yeoh Lam Keong cited a IPS study in 2014 which projected that if our labour force was allowed to grow at just 1.7% annually, Singapore would hit 10 mil population by 2050, just 30 years from now. Can we handle this? Will more migrant workers issues explode in our face in the coming years after GE2020? Will we come to a grinding halt as warned by Dr Goh? Will the wealth and income inequality become too crazy to handle as we overpopulate? Can we even have a Singapore culture with local-born as minority?

Yes, there are indeed long term issues Singaporeans should be concerned about in the coming GE. It will certainly be the challenge of an entire generation as we seek to deal with a very tricky over dependence on low wage migrant workers problem and other issues caused by years of grow-at-all-cost..

Monopoly of Wisdom will Cripple Singapore

At a May 15 virtual forum on the topic, “What are the sacred cows that Covid-19 might force us to reconsider?”, a panel of academics and other prominent social commentators believe that the Covid-19 pandemic is challenging some of the Government’s “sacred cows”. These include the country’s addiction to cheap, transient labour and what the panelists described as the policymakers’ “fear of social responsibilities” and the idea that they hold “the monopoly of wisdom”.

Yes, I feel much needs to be done. Covid-19 has brought to the forefront issues which our society has been sweeping under the carpet for far too long.

1. We have a long entrenched and ever growing reliance on foreign workers. We were not like that years ago, definitely not under the first generation leaders who had repeatedly warned that we should never let ourselves become too dependent on low cost migrant workers. Those advice were swept aside in the chase for stellar annual GDP growth when the 2G leaders took over and grew worse over time. I have traced the 30 years journey of how we got to this mess today : https://yeejj.wordpress.com/2020/05/12/1-5-million-fw/. Just in case we think this is unavoidable, many developed economies such as Australia, Japan, Taiwan and Hong Kong have done far better especially in the construction industry compared to us by taking a different path.  The productivity of their largely local-based construction workers are way higher than their counterparts in Singapore.

2. Assoc Prof Theseira spoke about the myth of Singapore exceptionalism. Former NMP lMr Sadasivan said that the Government needs to come to terms with the fact that it “really does not have the monopoly of wisdom”.

For far too long, given the vast success of our first generation of leaders in transforming Singapore and shutting down criticism, Singapore has gone deeply down the path of believing that only the government has all the wisdom, that we only have enough for one A team, etc. We have been conditioned since young, from schools to just follow rules. The government celebrates creativity and innovation only when they fall in line with what they like to see, but clamps down or withhold support when they feel ideas are not consistent with their views. There are many examples. Just to name one, graphic novelist Sonny Liew had his grant of $8,000 from the NAC revoked on the eve of the official launch of his novel, The Art Of Charlie Chan Hock Chye for ‘sensitive content’.  He went on to become the first Singaporean to win at the prestigious Eisner Awards, considered to be the ‘Oscar Awards of comics. He won not one, but three awards at that event.

Only the government can be right and all other views are portrayed as dangerous for society or ‘irresponsible‘. As former veteran Permanent Secretary Ngiam Tong Dow had warned, many in government think they are little Lee Kuan Yews when they have not yet earned their spurs, preaching and dictating others like they know-it-all, and even mocking other world leaders.

Bold change so far happens mostly when the ruling party feels their hold on near absolute power is being threatened, such as after GE2011. Unfortunately, group think has and will impede Singapore from innovating and moving forward. I believe too often, the false sense of exceptionalism will make us complacent, lazy to think deeply, just follow rules and unwilling to embrace divergent views.

I have long believed that only when the competition becomes stronger will the government be forced to be more innovative and more responsive. I remained even more convinced after GE2011.

Covid-19 has exposed that our government does not always know it all and that we do not always have the ‘Gold’ standard. We should be humble to learn from others, whether from other countries or from Singaporeans with differing views. Given the uncertainty of the 21st century, we need to learn to embrace diversity to continue to be relevant.

 

(Note: a shorter version of this was earlier posted on my personal FB page)

Privatising Profits and Socialising Costs

We need to be mindful of privatising profits and socialisiing costs.

It was recently report that the government will absorb additional operational costs for dormitory operators during the circuit breaker. Responding to queries from The Straits Times, the Manpower Ministry (MOM) had said that the Government will offset the increase in operating costs for operators of purpose-built dorms, factory-converted dorms and construction temporary quarters owing to the longer hours workers now spend in their residences.

To qualify for additional relief from the government, the criteria certainly must be more than what is the operators’ normal running cost versus the additional costs incurred due to measures required due to Covid-19.

Firstly, the operators would, like all businesses in Singapore, qualify for Jobs Support Scheme (JSS), support for foreign staff, property tax rebates and perhaps other measures. These must be factored in before allowing them to claim additional costs. When ECDA made all preschools give 50% rebate on net fees for Apr and May to Singaporean parents, the main rationale was that centres already receive JSS and foreign staff support from government and these must be used to provide the fee rebates. All preschool centres definitely had increased costs during this period due to additional cleaning, health screening, additional MCs for staff, etc, on top of loss of revenue due to withdrawals and deferred enrollments. The centres all bore these costs as part of the expectation that these are part and parcel of their business risks.

The dorm operators, especially the larger ones, seemed to have been rather profitable in the good years as the government pushed foreign workers away from HDB and other places into large dorms in a short period, plus a constant growth of low wage migrant workers coming to Singapore. Have all the operators complied with the regulations, health and safety measures required by the Foreign Employees Dormitories Act? Or were a number flouting regulations and cutting on costs needed to implement these? Surely their level of readiness must be factored into how they would qualify for additional support.

While I can understand that the situation at foreign workers dormitories is urgent due to the fight to contain massive explosion of Covid-19 infections, I do hope the authorities will be very careful in reviewing carefully all applications for additional relief. It seems to me from a cursory read of the Straits Times report on this issue that the criteria to give out additional relief is far too simple and these businesses can continue to enjoy the normal good profits they make and no mention was made on whether the regular generous business support that they already received from our Budgets would be taken into account. We must not double support them given that they already automatically receive support like all Singapore-based businesses. There should be sharing of pain, in fact more needs to be borne by the operators as they had benefited in the good years and they will want to continue to partake in this business after Covid-19.

Singapore’s journey to nearly 1.5 million migrant workers

The massive explosion of Covid-19 cases has cast the spotlight on migrant workers. Much has already been said about living conditions for these workers and whether this has contributed to the spread of Covid-19. The purpose of this article is not to add to these debates, but to examine how we ended up with such a vast number of low wage workers, living in a different world from Singaporeans even though they are very much in our midst all the time. What could have been the economic thinking behind this massive influx?

 

Singapore has seen migrant workers grow from 3% [see notes] of our workforce since 1970 to 38% today (presented by NMP Associate Professor Walter Theseira at a recent IPS forum). Currently, 72.4% of these migrant workers are on Work Permits (WP) and 14% are on S-Pass (SP). In absolute numbers, the migrant workforce grew from just over 60,000 fifty years ago to a staggering 1.472 million today. The vast majority of 1.234 million are WP and SP holders (Source: MOM & Migration Policy Institute).

 

WP and SP workers form the lower wage spectrum of our work force. Their numbers are so large now that they occupy almost every area of our social spaces. In 2008, the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew said that he was not convinced on his own party – the PAP’s plan to have 6.5 million population, to be achieved largely through immigration to drive economic growth. “There’s an optimum size for the land that we have, to preserve the open spaces and the sense of comfort,” the late Mr Lee said. Other than occupying our social spaces, the presence of so many low wage foreign workers have depressed the wages of less skilled Singaporean workers, which has in turned caused a great divide between those who have benefited from our economic progress and those whose real wages have stagnated or even regressed in the past two decades.

 

How did we arrive at this situation of so many migrant workers, many stuck at low wages and with low productivity compared to other developed countries?

 

I believe it was the obsession with economic growth when the baton was passed from the first generation of leaders. Economic growth is good, but we also need to look at how the growth is derived, whether it is sustainable quality growth and how the benefits are spread across society. Our rapid growth from independence till the 1990s has made many countries and economists praise Singapore as a role model for development. One contrarian view was that of renowned Professor of Economics, Paul Krugman. To him, Singapore’s miracle was based on perspiration rather than inspiration. The growth had come from a very successful mobilisation of the population to participate in the workforce, jumping from 27% in 1966 to 51% by 1990. Professor Krugman warned that Singapore’s workforce participation rate was by then so high that it was unlikely to be further increased significantly. Such ‘sweaty’ economic growth model has its limit. Unless productivity, efficiencies and innovation are raised in the future, economic growth has to be captured through an ever-increasing migrant workforce.

 

By the 1990s, the ruling party had monopolized parliament with absolute or near absolute monopoly since 1968. The leadership was transferred to our second PM, Mr Goh Chok Tong in 1990. There was an unprecedented loss of four seats to the opposition in GE 1991, a really big deal to a party that will not tolerate any loss or the rise of a serious competitor. Mr Goh had in 1984 promised that Singapore would reach the 1984’s Swiss standard of living by 1999, in per capita GDP terms. The measure of success was to boost up GDP.

 

The late Dr Goh Keng Swee, architect of Singapore’s economic transformation in our first 2 decades, had since the 1970s till his retirement in 1984, warned of the dangers of growing our GDP through large influx of foreign workers and foreign direct investments. In the Future of Singapore (FOSG) talk in 2017, former Chief Economist at GIC, Yeoh Lam Keong who had worked under Dr Goh, said that Dr Goh frowned upon those who dare suggest growing the economy by boosting immigration. Dr Goh had felt that getting unlimited access to cheap labour would impede the critical need for upgrading and innovation.  The first-generation leaders seem well aware of the dangers of large influx of cheap foreign labour and overpopulation. The next generation of leaders however, felt that it was imperative to capture economic growth fast. I believe they must have felt the pressure to retain their super majority control of parliament through continued economic growth.

 

There were massive infrastructure projects in the 1990s. It opened the doors for a much looser migrant workforce policy to feed the expansion. Foreign workers grew from 311,264 in 1990 to nearly 800,000 in 2000 (a 255% increase in just 10 years). In the mid-2000s, to capture another wave of economic boom, Singapore had another massive round of migrant workforce. The 2009 Global Financial Crisis put a temporary pause but in 2010, our GDP grew a phenomenal 14.7% and the influx continued. Foreign workers numbered 1.3 million by 2010. As infrastructure had been a key part of the economic activities, the construction workforce grew very rapidly in these two decades, from 114,000 in 1996 to some 300,000 in 2019. This numbers will potentially be even higher going forward as the Singapore Business Review recently projected a 3.3% average annual growth in the construction industry from 2019 to 2028. The late Mr Lee Kuan Yew had observed in 2011: “We’ve grown in the last five years by just importing labour. Now, the people feel uncomfortable, there are too many foreigners.” He had estimated that it might take five years for the country to scale back its need for foreign workers, something which the government is still grappling with nearly a decade later and the numbers have continued to increase.

 

During the 2013’s debate on the government’s Population White Paper, we were reminded of this simple formula: Economic growth = Annual Productivity Growth + Growth in Workforce. Singapore’s productivity in recent years have been miserable, mostly flat for the decade of 2011-2020. It even fell by 1.5% in 2019 and is likely to be worse in 2020 due to Covid-19 disruptions and an impending recession. Today, despite recent acknowledgement of our low construction workforce productivity and some efforts to improve on this, we are still lagging very far behind our developed peers such as Australia, Japan, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. For example, Australia’s and Japan’s construction workforce are 3.9 times and 2.8 times respectively more productive that their peers in Singapore. In other sectors that depend heavily on low wage migrant workers such as F&B and retail, our productivity has lagged significantly behind that of Hong Kong, a city state economy like ours.

 

The trouble with looking at purely GDP numbers is that it is misleading. GDP can be divided into three components – Wage share, Profit share and Tax share. Singapore has now one of the highest GDP per capita in the world but its wage share has been hovering just above 40% for the past few decades, way below those of OECD countries which are around 50% and some even much higher.

 

The profit share component of GDP would go back to shareholders. In Singapore, the government owns a disproportionately large share of the economy compared to other developed countries. We encourage foreign investments and the profits would have to flow back eventually to where the investments originated from. Prior to Covid-19, the Marina Bay Sands was the most profitable casino in the world. It was generating some US$1.5 billion in earning (EBITA) a year. It is owned entirely by Las Vegas Sands Corp, listed in the USA.

 

For a long time and up till 2011 when astronomical ministerial salaries became an issue in GE2011, GDP was the measure for how well the civil service did. GDP growth was a key determinant of the bonuses of political office bearers. With the rapid rebound from the Global Financial Crisis, in 2010 the salary bonus for ministers went up to 8 months on a then-super high salary base. When productivity is low, growth in workforce can boost up the GDP growth; so we should also look at the quality of GDP growth, as well as how income growth had been distributed to the median and lower income groups.

 

I believe that the last three decades of drive to boost GDP numbers through large-scale foreign labour import had masked many brewing long-term structural problems. It has come to a stage where our Singapore Inc. economy is hooked on an ever-increasing base of low wage, low productivity workers to continue with our model for ‘prosperity’. I believe it is this obsession with GDP that impedes bold decisions such as having a national minimum wage.

 

It is unsustainable. In the same FOSG talk, Yeoh Lam Keong shared a 2014 forecast by IPS: A mere 1.7% annual growth in labour could see Singapore hitting 10 million population by 2050! The 2013 Population White Paper only presented a population scenario of 6.9 million by 2030. What’s beyond 2030 if we continue at this rate? This is quite a frightening thought considering that our imported labour is indeed growing at beyond 1% per annum currently. At a population of 10 million, the IPS forecast was for 3.3 million migrant workers, a 235% increase from currently. This will be on top of regular injection of new citizens and permanent residents. How do we manage the housing and social spaces by then? How do we manage the growing wealth and income inequality that will come? What will our Singapore identity be like then?

 

We have seen how troubles like that of the Little India riots of 2013 could happen when we overcrowd our small city state with the many people that we currently have, not to mention if we allow it to explode to another 235%!  The government now collects some $3 billion per year in workers’ levies. These add significant costs to employers and force them to keep wages of workers low. There has to be big structural changes, initiated by the government to bring us away from the ‘perspiration’ driven model that Paul Krugman warned of in the 1990s.  We have to also look at the ‘optimum size’ as advocated by the late Mr Lee that our island can hold and figure a more sustainable quality and innovation-led economic growth. The government has to take the leadership to effect big structural changes to sectors that persistently have this problem of huge dependency on low wage workers.

 

For too long,  we have kicked the can down the road from one generation of leaders to another in the drive to capture GDP growth in the quickest (and lazy) way, even though we had been warned by prominent leaders and economists that such methods will lead to unsustainable population growth, depressed wages for the bottom income earners and social problems associated with vast inequality. We are all feeling the negative effects now in a very real way. Uncomfortable though the changes may be, the time to tackle this escalating problem is now.

 

Note: The views expressed here are the opinions of the author.

* Earlier, I had published that ‘Singapore has seen migrant workers grow from 7% of our workforce since 1970 to 38% today’. This was based on data from an earlier presentation by A/P Walter Thereisa. I later shared with A/P Thereisa another data I found for our manpower in 1970 and we agreed that the figure could be more accurate and hence it should be 3% of our workforce in 1970 were migrant workers.